Sunday, June 28, 2009
A Quartet of Norwegian Drinking Games
Moose
(1) Everyone sits in a circle.
(2) At any given time three people in the circle are the moose. The person in the middle holds his arms straight up and waves them as if they were antlers. The person on his right holds her arms up to the right while waving them as if they were antlers and the person on the left holds her arms up to the left while waving them as if they were antlers
(3) The person who is holding his arms straight up in the middle of the moose calls out the name of another person in the circle.
(4) The person whose name has been called becomes the new person in the middle of the moose and will have to holds his arms straight up while waving them like antlers. Similarly, the people on the left and right of the person whose name has just been called will also have to hold their arms up to the left and right respectively while waving them like antlers.
(5) The new person in the middle of the moose will have to call out the name of another person in the circle.
(6) Repeat until someone makes a mistake. The person who makes a mistake has to take a drink.
Commando Bimbaloh
(1) One person is the commander and calls out commands. Every time he calls out a command that begins with the word "Commando", then all the other people must perform the action that is associated with the command.
(2) "Commando Bimbaloh" is the command for everyone drumming their pointer fingers on the table as if the table were a drum and they were playing a drum roll.
(3) "Commando Kant" is the command for everyone to do a karate chop on the table with both hands at the same time.
(4) "Commando Stoh" is the command for everyone to place all their fingertips on the table and arch their palms (as if there were eggs underneath the palms or as if the entire hand were mimicking the shape of a crab). Both hands should be spaced about 20 cm apart on the table.
(5) "Commando Double Stoh" is the command for everyone to place each "crab"-like hand on top of each other, so that you have one crab standing on top of the other.
(6) Though everyone must perform the hand movements described above when they are called out with the word "Commando" in the order, if the person calling out the orders simply said "Bimbaloh", "Kant", "Stoh" or "Double Stoh" without the "Commando" preceding it, then no one else must perform the new action. Only the person calling out the commands must perform the new action. Everyone else must continue to perform the old order.
(7) The person calling out the commands should continue to call them out until someone makes a mistake. The person who makes a mistake must take a drink and start calling out the commands in her turn.
Submarine
(1) In this game, everyone sits in a circle and pretends to be a submarine. They do this by first doing the "A-OK" sign with both of their hands stretched out from their face. They then make a long "SHHHHHHHHHHHH" noise while bringing the A-OK signs (their hands) towards their faces so that the circle formed between their pointer fingers and their thumbs act as "goggles" around their eyes. They have now "descended" into the ocean with their submarines.
(2) Submarines use sonar to be able to detect obstacles in their path. So this game involves saying "boop" to mimic the sounds of sonar.
(3) Each person says "boop" in turn clockwise until someone decides to say "boop-boop". At this point the next person who should have said "boop" is skipped over and the person after that can choose to say either "boop" or "boop-boop".
(4) People can also choose to make a sound that is supposed to resemble the submarine turning around: "WHOOO-HOOO-HOOO". At this point, the direction of the "boops" changes and instead of going clockwise, the game goes the other way and the person who just said "boop" before the change of direction must say "boop" again.
(5) The person who makes a mistake must take a drink.
Ducky Fas
(1) Everyone sits in a cricle and says "Ducky Fas" one after the other.
(2) This continues until someone says "Dasi", then the direction of the game changes and the person who said "Ducky Fas" right before the "Dasi" was said will have to say "Fasi Duck".
(3) Everyone continues to say "Fasi Duck" in the opposite direction until somebody says "Dasi". Then the direction changes and the person who last said "Fasi Duck" before "Dasi" was mentioned will have to say Ducky Fas, etc....
(4) The person who makes a mistake must take a drink.
Wednesday, December 10, 2008
The Age of Roosevelt - The Crisis of the Old Order - Part II
The chapter begins in November 1918 with the end of WWI. According to Schlesinger, the world was optimistic and ripe for change following the destruction of the war years. And a team of young, idealistic advisers was preparing the terms of the Treaty of Versailles. Fired up by the democratic values enshrined in Wilson's Fourteen Points, they sought a resolution to the war that addressed historic inequities and embraced Bolshevik Russia. One of the idealists, Bill Bullitt, even travelled to Russia and obtained generous concessions from Lenin's government. Yet, all were disappointed by the eventual form of the Treaty of Versailles. A number of the young men even resigned from their government posts, including John Maynard Keynes, who later wrote a treatise condemning the economic consequences of the treaty. Bullitt later condemned President Woodrow Wilson and Prime Minster Lloyd George before the US Senate as traitors to the cause for peace. But the writing was on the wall - the hopes for peace had faded and the 20th century was doomed to be bloody.
As an aside, it's interesting to note that there was a real sense that America's entry into WWI needed to be justified as a war that would promote peace in the world. This need to justify war as not simply a brutal, belligerent act but an action required to ameliorate the human condition was unique to the USA in the context of WWI. Still, it is sad to note that the promised democratic ideals of Wilson's Fourteen Points failed to be lived up to even in 1919. The Treaty of Versailles was, as the history of the 20th century proved abundantly, an unmitigated disaster. And I suppose that it should come as no surprise, given that pedigree, that even today purported justifications of war based on democracy and peace, or as the case may be to prevent the use of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD), continue to be charades.
Nevertheless, Schlesinger continues to insist in the rest of the chapter that despite the demise of democracy at Versailles, the democratic spirit was thriving in the U.S.A. It had its roots in the Populist revolution against business rule that originated in the 1890s and that demanded a rudimentary farm-price support system, a graduated income tax, the secret ballot, the direct election of senators, the initiative and referendum and the government ownership of railroads, telephone and telegraph. According to Schlesinger, Progressivism took root when populism inspired a middle class distrust of the nouveau riche. The press exposed corruption in business and politics and politicians rose to the challenge seeking to restore honesty to government. The greatest proponent of this Progressive movement was Theodore Roosevelt (T.R.) who shared the populist distrust of the business classes.
The rest of the chapter is devoted to Schlesinger's description of the ideological and political divide between the Democrats and the Progressivists between the years 1912 and 1920. He describes the cause of New Nationalism (embraced by the Progressivists) and its clash with New Freedom (espoused by the Democrats). Schlesinger paints the conflict of T.R. vs. Wilson; Hamiltonian aristocratic-leaning democracy vs. Jeffersonian agrarian democracy; socialism vs. individual freedom; and democracy of concentration/cooperation vs. democracy of small business.
At the head of the Progressivists, T.R. sought to create a powerful federal government that could bring progress and social betterment nationally and administer power politics internationally. Such a move would have been a break from the traditional Jeffersonian ideal of small government. It was also a break from the government's past policy on competition. During his Presidency, Theodore Roosevelt had fought the trusts and combines. Now, though he still distrusted the business classes, he did not believe that the Sherman Act could successfully combat the excesses of business greed.
Some Progressivists now argued that the American idealism embodied in the Sherman Act - that believed individual freedom alone could lead the US to prosperity - was flawed. Instead, a New Nationalism was required that would allow the state to take responsibility for economic and social conditions. The logic was that unfettered competition led to evil working conditions, low wages and unemployment and was, as such, destructive competition that could only be thwarted through cooperation. The New Nationalists called for licensing and federal standards with respect to capitalization, trade practices, prices and labor policy. Corporations must recognize their obligations to labor and the public, as well as to stockholders. Profit sharing, social insurance and old age pensions were the new order for the day.
To New Nationalists, above all, concentration and cooperation between competitors in industry was inevitable. As such, it had to be tolerated and, more importantly, regulated by government. Roosevelt now thought trust busting was madness. The destruction of trusts only resulted in the elimination of cooperation, which in turn led to a return to destructive competition that eventually led to low wages and unemployment. Instead, a democratic government's duty was to regulate business in the interest of public welfare.
At the time the ideals of New Nationalism were being formulated, there was also a great movement of social work arising in the country. The movement was associated with Christianity and recognized that Christians had a duty toward their fellow man. It was a mostly middle class movement, whose goal was to go forth and assist the working poor. They sought to eradicate social ills, such as child labour, sweatshops, slums, low wages. Women were at the forefront of the movement, following their emancipation. Women lobbied, for example, for minimum wage laws and against excessive hours. More generally, the movement sought to join the power of labour with the state to offset the greed of business and Christianize the new social order. And Theodore Roosevelt responded to this social work movement most enthusiastically.
Opposed to the Progressives, both politically and ideologically, in the 1912 election was the Democratic party led by Woodrow Wilson. In 1906, in accordance with the Jeffersonian conception of government, Wilson rejected the paternalistic state and rejected public intervention into the economy. He campaigned against concentrated wealth advocating for equal rights for all and special privileges for none.
However, by 1912 Wilson had come to the realization that special privileges could only be eradicated through governmental interference. Wilson met with Brandeis and was so impressed he asked Brandeis to create a program. Brandeis, unlike the New Nationalists, thought that concentration was not an inevitable consequence of the new economic conditions. In his opinion, concentration arose out of the manipulations of bankers eager to float new securities and stocks. In this way, concentration eliminated individual freedom. Centralization of industry corrupted and choked off innovation by drawing talent from the community into the centre. Competition had to be regulated, not monopolies. Private industry should be regulated to maintain their competitiveness. Where monopolies were necessary, they should belong to the people and not to capitalists. Government regulation of monopoly did not work and industries should either be broken up or nationalized.
Nevertheless, Schlesinger notes that the difference between T.R.'s views and Wilson's were not as great as the candidates made them out to be. Roosevelt did not want to make a universal monopoly and Wilson certainly did not wish to break up every corporation. In fact, they both wanted to regulate monopoly or competition by expanding the power of government.
In fact, Wilson accepted the need for government intervention when he shifted from his do-nothing position of 1906 to activism in 1912. Wilson was pushed to bridge the gap between New Nationalism and New Freedom in part by Southern Democrats, some of whom advocated for a positive obligation to the poor. They sought and won legislation that balanced Republican favoritism for big business by granting concessions to small businesses and farmers in a way that Wilson would have classified as class legislation. Furthermore, in 1914 Wilson enshrined government supervision of corporations by creating the Federal Trade Commission and giving it regulatory powers. In fact, coming up to the election of 1916, Wilson had more or less accepted the main positions of the Progressivist platform (that lobbied for strong government, for administrative regulation, and for intervention on behalf of the farmer and the worker - i.e. an affirmative federal action aimed at producing equality of opportunity).
In the face of the appropriation of their platform and their electoral loss in 1916, the Progressivist party was expiring. Many of the party's objectives had already been fulfilled by Wilson's New Freedom. Furthermore, T.R. became increasingly involved in European foreign policy at this time. The cause was not helped by T.R.'s passing in 1919.
In the meanwhile, war in Europe pushed Wilson to a more complete adoption of the New Nationalist platform than could otherwise have been imagined. War necessitated the central direction of the economy and the government had never been so completely involved in the operation and conduct of business. The War Industries Board and War Food Administration centrally organized industry as well as food production and consumption. The Capital Issues Committee regulated private investment. The War Finance Corporation directed and financed industrial expansion (e.g. railroads, telephone, telegraphs). Furthermore, Wilson, to T.R.'s delight, suspended the Sherman Act, thereby legalizing cooperation between competitors in an industry. T.R. stated that if the prohibition of cooperation could hurt production and efficacy in war, it also hurt business in peace.
Many, in addition to T.R., advocated the continuation of government regulation of industry in peacetime. John Dewey, the putative philosopher of American liberalism, was impressed by the "social possibilities of war" and advocated the use of technology for communal purposes. According to him production should not be for profit but for use and private property was no sacred cow. It's no wonder that in 1917-18, J.P. Morgan worried that the country was approaching the economic circumstances of Russia.
For a time, it did seem like the government would continue its intervention in supervising industry. Wilson supported the continued organization of industry in 1919, calling it the democratization of industry and arguing that it was the right of workers to share in business decisions that affected their welfare. Similarly, his Secretary of the Treasury, McAdoo, argued that the nationalization of the railroads (completed in 1917) should be extended on a trial basis in peacetime until 1924. Others argued for the nationalization of international radio, for federal old-age pensions, and for the nationalization of natural resources (e.g. oil, water, power, forests, mines). They also lobbied for the retention of wartime price controls, the creation of a minimum wage, and the guarantee full employment. The unions supported the demand for nationalization and massive strikes occurred, while the spark of revolution was in the air everywhere.
However, according to Schlesinger, with peace returned selfishness - government regulation of industry for the public good could not last. For instance, the Industrial Board, set up in February 1919 to extend the War Industries Board controls through the transition period, lacked enforcement powers and began to break up. Furthermore, Wilson soon announced the return of the railroads to private ownership. The only important wartime agency to survive, with difficulty, was the War Finance Corporation.
The government, however, did retain its controls over freedom of thought and expression. For fear of an illusory revolution, many radical centers/workers were arrested: 6000 were arrested but only 3 revolvers were found and no dynamite. Though unsuccesful in finding agitators, these raids did succed in spreading fear throughout society. For example, in Hartford, CT, visitors at jails who inquired after people caught in the raids were also arrested because their concern was prima facie evidence of Bolshevik affiliation. As such, some argued that war slew liberalism/progressivism. Ironically, the liberals were being persecuted by the state they loved so dearly because of a war that promised democracy to all the world. The consequence was that many reformers soon became disillusioned with the state.
Finally, the death knell of the Progressive party was sounded when Hiram Johnson (the Republican Progressive candidate for 1920) was passed over as the Republican presidential candidate in favour of Warren G. Harding. The Progressive Party met once more after the convention, but only to decide that the Bull Moose crusade was over.
At the same time, an era was also ending for the Democrats. Sensing that there was a deep revulsion against Wilson throughout the country, the Democrats nominated James M. Cox (reform governor of Ohio) as their presidential candidate, instead of Wilson, and F.D.R. as their vice-presidential candidate. But, Harding and Coolidge won the 1920 election.
Thus, Schlesinger ended his chapter. The thing that most fascinated me about his account was the massive difference between the ideological discussions surrounding political economy in the 1910s compared to today. These days, there would never be any consideration of government regulation of industries in the U.S. Even as banks are nationalized in this great financial crisis and even as billians are loaned to the Big Three car makers, the government's demands about how these companies should be run are closer to stockholder requests than the demands a government might impose in order to run these companies according to a greater national purpose. The current U.S. government is avoiding at all costs the appearance of any sort of nationalization - whatever the actual truth of the matter may be.
Perhaps, the discussion in the 1910s does not resemble ours today because there was little governmental regulation at all at the time. The New Nationalists could advocate for the extremes of government intervention and organization of industry because they did not know its consequences, in terms of decreased efficiency for instance. For the same reason, the Bush government could push for the Jefforsonian ideal of small government to its most logical extreme - the minimalization of government at all costs (even if that led to the financial sector running amok with greed) because it had been decades since any American had witnessed the consequences of completely unregulated competition. Only in China and other less developed countries is such a thing to be seen: low wages, no workers' rights, child labour, etc... And no one can remember the old trusts (i.e. cartels) that siphoned off vast amounts of wealth from the working poor.
The Age of Roosevelt - The Crisis of the Old Order - Part I
Prologue: 1933
The book begins with a masterful evocation of the gloom that had fallen over the nation, and the departing president in particular, as F.D.R.'s inauguration approached. An economic crisis had shuttered banks all across the nation and Herbert Hoover was deeply unhappy to see himself ousted from the presidency. A quarter of all Americans were unemployed. Hunger haunted the streets in the form of half-starved boys. Violence broke out as farmers overturned milk trucks flooding the ditches with milk. Mobs intimidated banks, insurance companies and judges for attempting to enforce debts. The specter of Communist revolution hung everywhere in the air.
Everyone was at a loss at what to do. Some warned that a balanced budget was crucial to thwart disaster. Others feared the death of capitalism. All looked to see what the new president would do to confront the impending economic disaster. And so, on the day of his inauguration, F.D.R. uttered those most famous of words "The only thing we have to fear is fear itself." He said, "The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. There must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. This Nation asks for action, and action now..."
F.D.R's ringing words stirred the crowd. In this respect they are deeply reminiscent of President-elect Obama's speeches. They both called for change at a time when the bottomless greed of a few capitalist barons had wiped out the wealth of millions. Perhaps the one striking difference is that F.D.R. stated he would even go so far as to claim the enhanced executive powers of a Commander-in-Chief in times of war in order to combat the economic troubles. I doubt Obama intends to go so far and I pray he will not have to.
Thursday, November 6, 2008
A Historic Moment
To me Obama represented the hope that every person harbours in his or her heart that anybody, no matter the odds, can aspire to greatness whatever the obstacles, without regard to skin colour. For every descendent of a slave, or every child of a people who were bound under colonial rule, Obama represented the fruition of all our hopes. We can rise to become equals with - even lead - our past oppressors if we persevere and above all if we give up the politics of hate and repression.
For once in my life, I was watching a politician who was dignified and who stood for important ideals. Foremost, this was a man who understood and accepted the duties and responsibilities of his office. Obama said, "But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we disagree. And above all, I will ask you join in the work of remaking this nation the only way its been done in America for two-hundred and twenty-one years - block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand."
Not every politican is so. I remember at Yale having attended a commencement speech in 2001 given by George W. Bush. True, the circumstances were different and Bush faced a somewhat hostile crowd - already at that time he was deeply popular amongst certain student groups. Still, the contrast in the messages they wished to convey to the people they led couldn't have been greater. Bush did not seek to inspire the students but instead only attempted to defray their hostility with humour. I will always remember when he referred to his less than stellar academic record by advising students, "And to you 'C' students, you too can be president of the United States." What kind of exhortation is that to the youth of our country?
I fervently hope that Obama will live up to his place in history. I desperately long for him to be the great leader we need in these difficult times. I expectantly pray that he will unite his country and the world to bring about real change.
Wednesday, September 26, 2007
Personal Disaster Kit
Well, whatever I considered to be personal disasters, this little orange satchel certainly wouldn’t be able to address any of them. Displayed boldly on the front of the kit was the following message:
Personal Disaster Kit: Meets Personal Needs During the Initial 24 Hours After a Disaster
Please Insert this Label in Kit After Opening
6 Purified Water
1 Flashlight
2 AA Batteries
6 Food Bars
1 Pair Work Gloves
50 Alcohol Pads
1 Emergency Blanket
50 1” x 3 Adhesive Bandages
4 Burn Ointment
1 Cold Pack
1 Dust Mask
1 First Aid Guide
10 Facial Tissues
2 Plastic Bags
2 4” Rolled Gauze
1 Roll Tape
1 Zippered Case
Caution: This product contains natural rubber latex which may cause allergic reactions
Acme United Corporation
The Office Manager walked in a few seconds after the delivery of this kit and noted that in this post-911 era and given the fact that we were in a tall building in New York City (54th floor to be exact) one could never be to cautious. Indeed.
Looking at the list of items kindly provided to me by my employers, I ask how did Acme (the very name of the corporation invokes Warner Bros. cartoons) arrive at this particular assortment of items? Why 2 plastic bags and not 3? And surely, if I were involved in a disaster of mass proportions the least of my concerns would be a middling rubber latex allergy. I’m glad they’ve considered that we may wish to educate ourselves in the elements of First Aid once Doomsday is upon us – better late than never right? And to be fair, I’ve never known which bandage to use for which cut/scrape/bruise. But in any case, I have an unfortunate allergy to certain types of adhesives and probably wouldn’t want to touch the bandages. (I wonder why they didn’t stick a disclaimer for that ailment on the kit too?)
This reminds me of the kind of precautions they used to take in the 1950s in the aftermath of the invention of the nuclear bomb. People built bomb shelters in their basements and trained to use them in fallout situations. Surely, we couldn’t have said that was not a useful exercise – weren’t nuclear bombs pointed at this country from Cuba in the 1960s? Then again, the whole situation did end up resolving itself peacefully.
For a period of about 10 years from 1991 to 2001, there seemed so much hope for humanity. Maybe I felt it keenly since I was in my teens at the time: prosperity abounded, walls fell, Apartheid was abolished, Communism loosened its hold… Maybe this darker time will pass too. And hopefully my personal disaster kit will go the way of the fallout shelters.
Monday, September 10, 2007
First Day in a Career
Though I'm not admitted to the NY Bar yet (and cross my fingers I will be in November...), I am actually working as an attorney now. So it was when this morning ZW awoke at 5:30 am (her firm's first day of training lasts from 7:45 am to 10 pm!!), I woke too. There were butterflies in my stomach and I couldn't stop thinking about the upcoming day. I spent the next couple of hours packing my things and trying not to get nervous. It didn't help much that the humidity was horrible this morning in NYC - I could see the sweat soaking through my blouse and realized I would have to keep my suit jacket on to hide the patches of sweat adding to the misery caused by the heat. Damn it! - yet another thing to worry about!
Eventually, I made it out the door and onto the subway. The cars are airconditioned, so I hoped my sweat-soaked shirt would naturally dry in the train before I got to work. I didn't really want to be known as the "sweaty as a pig girl"... especially since the shirt was PINK! Damn it!
Adding to the uncertainty of the whole day, I was actually making my way to a different office. For various reasons, my departure to the Brussels office was necessarily delayed and so for one month I will be working in the New York office. I wasn't entirely sure what to expect when I arrived at the office. The office building near the Lexington subway stared down at me from it's great height... several dozen stories at least. After getting my bags scanned in a security machine, I picked up my temporary ID and made my way to one of the four banks of elevators. I entered the elevator and pressed the button and found that my ears popped as the elevator rushed up to its destination above the 50th floor. I tried to while away the seconds by staring at a mini-computer screen which flickered back stock quotes and the weather at me.
Things were no more certain once I got off at the floor. I wasn't really sure how to get in to the office, which seemed closed because I had arrived before 9 am. Eventually someone let me in, but she wasn't exactly sure what I was there for and it took a while for her to realize I had come to work. I sat down to wait. Sitting across form me was someone coming to interview at the firm. We began one of those nervous introductory conversations that people enter into simply because they feel they must interact to fill up the silence around them, but in which neither person is actually interested or invested. Eventually, CM and AH turned up at the office and I realized there were only going to be three of us new associates.
Once I met the other two associates and we got into training though, I was no longer worried. There was so much training to get through and so much paper to be filled out, etc... that the hours seemed to pass quite quickly. Before I knew it, it was time for lunch. The firm had organized lunch for everybody, so that we could all meet. They had even ordered a cake with our names on it, which I thought was very sweet. I made some small talk with some of the attorneys present. The office is small (only about 20 lawyers), so I wasn't overwhelmed.
In fact, some of the day had been downright cool! I still can't get used to the idea of having a secretary - who is the sweetest lady ever. Nor can I get enough of my view - I can see a good chunck of Central Park from up here!!!! AWESOME! The firm has been extremely professional and well-organized with all my equipment and materials. And everything seemed a breeze today.
Eventually I walked out of the office at 6:30 pm. Not too tired. Pleased at what had been accomplished. Looking forward to the next day, with a little less trepidation and a little more excitement. I could do this everday... in fact I have to!
Sunday, July 15, 2007
Jazz in the Park
So, what was the cause of all this zen, nirvana? I decided that my stress level had become too high and I spent four hours in Washington Square Park. The weather was wonderful. I sat on a bench in the shade and the occasional breeze cooled me down. A short while after I arrived, four musicians appeared and started setting up nearby me. There was a trumpet player in a mauve shirt and bright red hair, a double bass player sporting dreadlocks and the most crazy tie-died pants with all sorts of prints on them (CRO would have been proud), a sax player in a sports jersey, and a drummer. It took them ages to set up and I was occasionally entertained by the trumpet player throwing up his mute to chase away the pigeons that would gather from time to time in the branches above them.
Eventually they started playing. The first few songs were clearly warm ups and there was a little rust in the horn player's sound. However, soon it got really cracking. These guys were good. They could play fast and slow, they could tease the low, seductive notes out of a horn and blast the loudest, shortest, highest riffs you can imagine. The trumpeter had a neat trick of playing two horns at once. And just when you thought things couldn't get better... they had company. Ryo and Tomo (of presumably Japan - MW would be so proud) turned up. Ryo is a fantastic trumpet player and Tomo plays the guitar. The horn players were now playing off each other and it was amazing.
The park was starting to fill up. All sorts of dogs trotted by with their owners. Everybody, from the homeless, to people kitted out in Chanel, to children to elderly people, to tourists seemed to be there. A baby rushed straight for the jazz and started swaying - teetering from one foot to another on his unsteady legs. A couple of hours later, I couldn't believe it, when the band was joined by yet another musician - this time a keyboard player with the largest Afro of pure snow white. I was in bliss.
And just when I though I had stumbled into some magical wonderland, I looked up and saw a man, dressed as a Greek Orthodox priest with a bright red bicycle light flashing insistently on his belt, carrying a huge American flag and dancing vigorously to the jazz music. Well... this is New York. It had to get weird.